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They were not aberrations or regrettable historical remnants from a less enlightened time. I clearly described affirmative action as an anti-racist policy and not an anti-racist idea.

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In fact, the historical ranks of Assimilationism are replete with those we usually consider fighters against racial injustice, discrimination and segregation. When that ideology emerged in coherent form is hard to say. To justify the development of a slave system required a concept of unified difference and inferiority of the Africans. More contentiously, Kendi insists that Assimilation is not a value-neutral process of exchanging one set of values, life-style, traditions and behaviour for another.

I will return to this issue later. A cultural being can actively adopt from another culture, while not considering that culture to be superior. Kendi also accepts the contemporary view that the phenomenon of racism antedates the concept of race.

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Clearly, these figure had a different personal history of engagement with slavery, race, and civil rights. Yet from another angle, affirmative action seems like a classic Assimilationist measure, a way of paternalistically granting African Americans access to cultural and educational goods but implying that they cannot achieve them on their own. As did W.

Clearly he needs a more complex notion of Assimilation. In Stamped from the BeginningKendi seeks to do two big things. As Hannah Arendt also emphasized, anti-Semitism became racialized in the late 19th century as well.

But that way lies the stifling, not the stimulation, of ideological and historiographical debate. When the early slave trade flourished, religion was used to define the essential difference between Europeans and Africans. In White Over BlackWinthrop Jordan thought it took two plus centuries for systemic racism to emerge by the midth century, but Kendi argues that it emerged a good bit earlier. It Big actually a form of Racism, which privileges white culture over African or African American culture.

It is also not clear whether these three concepts apply only within the United States; if so, why? What it has implied historically is that time bois needed for African Americans to be incorporated into the allegedly superior white culture as cultural equals. The Racist position is that racial disparities are either natural or deeply cultural in nature.

Thus, the need to demote Africans to sub-human status led to the idea of race as that something — an essence or quality or set of capacities — that disqualified them from fully-human status. First and boned, the reviewer misrepresented my definition of assimilationist ideas and then critiqued his or her own misrepresentations.

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Here we need to remember the tenets of the consensus on racism and race that emerged after the Second World war in the wake of the attempted genocide of European Jewry, a racially inflected war between the Allies and Japan, the decolonization of the so-called Third World, and, above all, the on-going presence of, then challenge to, racial segregation in the United States.

Lincoln is famously hard to get straight, since he was firmly convinced of the moral wrongness of slavery but was never clear about whether he believed in racial equality. For instance Kendi quite rightly reminds us at every turn that Assimilationist ideologies have been pervasive among the educated of both races, including national leaders. The list could go on, and would, he tells us winningly, have to include Ibram Kendi before he began the research that went into the making of Stamped from the Beginning.

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At times these three concepts seem too abstract and one-dimensional. The strengths of Stamped from the Beginninglie in the areas of economics and politics, but if Kendi is going to abandon the idea of double consciousness, he needs a much stronger, more resilient, and active notion of cultural identity. For example, the reviewer interprets my argument to mean that I conceived of affirmative action as an anti-racist idea; and then challenges me in arguing it was assimilationist idea. In fact, Kendi does not really emphasize the importance of the biologization of race.

For instance, it is better to say that Garrison or DuBois held Racist views than that one or the other was a racist.

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Indeed, Kendi is also lukewarm on the historical evidence for massive changes of white attitudes on the question of race through educational or moral persuasion. And thank you to the journal editors for giving me the opportunity to respond. It was the main rival to the Marxist view of history as class struggle. The problem for Kendi here is that some of his Antiracist heroes such as Malcolm X also believed in long-term effects of White oppression on Blacks. It is built on the assumption that recognition of the slave as fully human must come from the master himself.

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It was the yoking together of New World chattel slavery Big the well-nigh exclusive use of Africans as slaves that created the strong link between the idea of race and the idea that there was a hierarchy among races. It thinks of assimilation as the adoption of aspects of the dominant culture but not a passive acceptance of everything the dominant culture has to offer.

Colour differences ified racial and cultural differences incapacities among boned groupings. The first tenet, which Kendi does not challenge, is the modernity of the concept of race itself. It appears that this reviewer primarily took issue with my concept of assimilationist ideas, which will be the focus of my response. When translated into American reality, it means that the white oppressor, not black fellow slaves, remains the ificant other in African-American consciousness. At times, Kendi can sound like he is in search of heretics rather than interested in exploring the complex realities of his three big concepts.

Never in the book do I say this or even infer this. History as ethics teaching by example? No longer was it primarily a religious or cultural set of beliefs. Men and women of good will and from both races in the 19th century and 20th century — even down to now — thought they were working for the eventual incorporation of former slaves and their descendants into white mainstream institutions, when the effect of what they were doing, claims Kendi, was bois confirm African Americans in their unequal status and power.

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On his view, Assimilationist theories feign sympathy for, while assuming the actually existing inferiority of, African American life and culture under the conditions of oppression. Instead the reviewer critiques his or her own interpretation of what I wrote, or what the author felt I meant. Not every chapter in each section deals directly with the iconic figure presiding over it, but this organizational strategy gives shape and focus to a massive amount of material.

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I never said affirmative action was an anti-racist idea. The great Abolitionist, William Lloyd Garrison, was fearsome and fearless in his attacks on slavery. I cannot respond to bois imprudent critiques for more detail in a book, or for a more transnational picture of differences of racist ideas in different countries in a book clearly focused on one nation-state and how globally circulating race concepts were applied to the specific historical conditions in one nation.

Dividing the historical narrative into five parts also allows Kendi to take on a second task: the exploration of three fundamental concepts — Racism, Assimilation and Antiracism — that he sees as encompassing American attitudes toward race. Overall, then, Stamped from the Beginning sometimes seems like a work of history with a razor sharp polemical edge; at other times, it re like an extended moral-polemic, fleshed out and exemplified by historical examples.

Kendi covers much of this directly or obliquely, but he is not boned in doing heavy duty or text-based intellectual history. Generally, we understand assimilation to refer not just to a kind of passive, imposed incorporation into a new culture but also to a process of selection from, Big re-configuration of, the hegemonic culture by the oppressed.

Something can be based on an assimilationist idea— as affirmative action was — and have an anti-racist effect in reducing racial disparities. The problem here is the incredibly complicated nature of the Assimilationist position.

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More generally, the damage to African-American lives that Kendi wants to address is economic and social not cultural and psychological. The pariah chooses cultural autonomy, while the parvenu accepts culture of the arriviste. For Kendi, the way to abolish racial disparities is, first, to end discrimination and, second, to provide the resources to close the gap between white and black Americans.

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Beyond that the modern concept of race was organized around the view that race was a biological concept, not a cultural, religious or climatological one. Secular stalwarts of the Enlightenment such as Kant and Hume tended to see climate as the boned causal factor in forming distinct races, a view that was widely accepted in its time. It looks now as though we are in the midst of another re-casting of the framework of assumptions Big vocabulary of concepts that US historians bring to the study of these critical topics. Take the question of affirmative action, for instance.

If anything, I show countless times that this is not what I mean, from my discussion of the spirituals, to African American Christianity, to Ebonics, none of which I render as fundamentally assimilationist products. But I do render those ideas looking down on the spirituals, African American Christianity, and Ebonics, as assimilationist ideas. Rather they involved an active selection from, and re-configuration of, the dominant religion of Christianity.

In fact, the book under review here, Ibram X. Kendi is an academic historian, who recently shifted his base from the University of Florida to the American University in Bois, DC. It is relatively rare for a work of academic history to win a non-academic book prize such as the National Book Award, though academic historians have been more successful with Pulitzer Prizes probably because the Pulitzer includes an award specifically in history.

For instance, he does try to talk about Racism, Antiracism and Assimilation as ideological and institutional position s not individual or group psychological traits.

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There is something else problematic about the concept of Assimilation as Kendi uses the term. He is aware that this re-labelling of bois and enemies needs more discussion, I think, and I wish he had done more of it in the book. I appreciate this review of Stamped from the Beginning.

Read the review closely: the reviewer at no point critiques what I actually wrote. Some of this may have to do with the supposed tendency of academic writing to belabour obscure points and to smother major points with qualifications and caveats and footnotes.

Black and White together, indeed! The last such shift in writing Big slavery and race including civil rights in the United States came between the late s and the mids. This was, according to Kendi, an Antiracist justification for what became affirmative action. Racism and Antiracism seem relatively simple. What about the new levels of mutual political and culture recognition involved in being part of a Black Atlantic? First, he traces out the historical trajectory of slavery and race in North America, specifically of the future United States, from circa down to the present. It was essentially secular, intellectually undergirded by a late 19th-century racialized Darwinian consensus that saw the essence of history to consist in racial conflict.

Paradigm shifts in historiography seem to come all at boned rather than being spaced evenly along the disciplinary trajectory. Historically, racism came into existence to justify the oppression inherent in the enslavement of people of African descent and thus to protect self-interest generally economic.

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But in focussing most of his attention on the pernicious impact of Assimilation, which actually rejects biologically based racism, Kendi all but implies that Assimilationist ideologies have been as dangerous, or more so, than straightforward white Racism based on alleged biological differences.

Yet, abandoning the self-other dialectic of identity formation entails a loss of complexity of consciousness and of self-knowledge on both the individual and group level.